Hiding Africa’s Looted Funds: The Silence of Western Media

Quite often when you read newspapers, listen to radio and watch television in the West you learn how poor Africans are and how corrupt African leaders are. But you will never watch, read or hear anything in these media outlets about the role being played by Western banking institutions; property development and estate companies; the big corporations; and the western political and business elite in promoting corruption in Africa. When it comes to Africa and the developing world the Western media pretend to be doing a good job only when there is an embarrassing story or a scandal that undermines their credibility as the watchdog of the state.

It is not uncommon to see poverty stricken Africans in poor living conditions being shown in documentaries, movies, and television screens in the West but the same documentaries and movies are always silent on the role play by the institutions in the West. Bribery as we all know involves a giver and a taker but it is always the taker who is reported in media. In many instances as we shall soon see bribes are offered in order to secure contracts, secure official favour or to induce officials in order to influence the out come of a government decision. In other instances people become corrupt because of the existence of favouring conditions as can be seen in most western countries with their banking secrecy laws.

The media in the west tend to ignore the role of western institutions for many reasons. One main reason why they would like to show the poverty level in Africa but refuse to show the role played by the western banking, property, multinational corporations is the fear of loosing revenue through adverts. Many of the media outlets survive through advertisements from the property, banking and multinational corporations so while would they want to incur their wrath? Another reason is that the editors, programme directors and the other bigshots in the media are themselves shareholders of these banks and property companies so why would they want to jeopardise the source of their own wealth? The enthusiasm with which CNN, BBC, ABC, CBS, ITN, SKYNEWS and other television producers portray Africa as poor and least developed; the same cannot be said about the way they report on the role played by the Western banking and other institutions. They fail to tell the world that the looted funds that make Africans poor are indeed sitting in Europe, America, Australia, New Zealand and the offshore Islands controlled by the West. They fail to tell the world that Africa would be a different place if all the stolen monies are returned, but would they ever raise a voice in support of such a laudable idea? Why would the media change the way they report when for centuries they have been the source of all the misinformation and misrepresentation of anything unwestern?

Corruption is rife in Africa because there are banking institutions in Europe especially Switzerland, France, Jersey Island, Britain, Luxembourg, Liechtenstein, Austria, US and many others who accept money from African leaders without questioning the source of the money. According to the UN around $148 billion are stolen from the continent by the political leaders, the business elite and civil servants every year with collusion and connivance of banking industries in Europe and North America.

Even though it is a common knowledge western banks are acting as safe havens for looted funds from Africa, very little attention is received from the western media to expose them. The media tend to focus their energies on the corrupt leaders with little or no mention at all as to where the monies they have stolen are being kept. There has not been any concrete effort to expose the banks that collude and connive with these corrupt leaders who are impoverishing the people. No effort has been made by the political elite in Europe and America to force the banks to return these stolen monies to the poorest of the poor because they are often the shareholders and beneficiaries of profits made by these banks. They talk about corruption because it is embarrassing to them but they have no agenda to fight it as that would mean no fat dividends for them and no cheap credits for their citizens.

Even the Pope knows that the monies stolen are in Europe and America as is seen below. Within five years of his reign (1993-98) Sani Abacha of Nigeria according to official figures was able to stash four billion dollars and between 12 and 16 billion dollars in unofficial terms. After his death in 1998, investigators in Nigeria, Europe and America stumbled on over 130 bank accounts in abroad where some of the money stolen was kept.

The banks that received Abacha’s stolen funds are: Australia and New Zealand Banking Group, ANZ, London Branch; Bank Len, Zurich; Bankers Trust Company, London; Bankers Trust Company, Frankfurt; Bankers Trust Company, New York; Banque Barring Brothers, Geneva; Bank in Liechtenstein A. G. Vaduz; Barclays Bank, New York; Barclays Bank, London; Banque Edouard Constant, General; Banque Nationale De Paris, Geneva; Banque Nationale De Paris, London; Banque Nationale De Paris, Basle; Citibank N. A. London; Citibank N. A. New York; Citibank N. A. Luxembourg; Citibank Zurich; Credit Lyonnais , New York; Credit Suisse , New York; Credit Suisse, General; Credit Suisse, Zurich; Deutche Morgan Grenfell, Jersey; FIBI Bank (Schweiz) A. G. Zurich; First Bank of Boston , London; Goldman Sachs and Company, Zurich; Gothard Bank, Geneva; LGT Liechtenstein Bank, Vaduz; Liechtenstein Landesbank, Vaduz; M. M. Warburg and Company, Luxembourg; M. M. Warburg and Company,Zurich; M. M. Warburg and Company, Hamburg; Merrill Lynch Bank, New York; Merrill Lynch Bank, Geneva; Midland Bank, London; National Westminister Bank, London; Paribus, London; Paribus, Geneva; Royal Bank of Scotland , Leeds; Standard Bank London Limited, London; UBS AG, Zurich; UBS AG, Geneva; Union Bancaire Privee, Geneva; Union Bancaire Privee, London; London Branch; Verwaltungs Und Private Bank A. G., Vaduz; and ANZ, New York; ANZ, Frankfurt. Source: Tell Magazine, October 7, 2002.

On February 2009, a French court had Omar Bongo’s 9 bank accounts containing several millions of Euros frozen. In confirming the court’s decision lawyer Jean-Philippe Le Bail said, “This concerns Crédit Lyonnais, in which the president of Gabon has two current accounts, two savings accounts and a share account, and BNP, in which he has two checking accounts, a savings account and a share account”.

These are the banks whose shady dealings with the political and business elite in Africa continue to impoverish African countries but which for profits sake the media refuse to tell the world about. The banks know these corrupt leaders have stolen the money yet they pretend not to know until there is a scandal before they begin to act as if they are responsible institutions. Most of the above named banks have also been implicated for receiving billions of dollars of looted funds from the lates Mobutu of Zaire; Lansana Conte of Guinea; Eyadema of Togo; and a number of dictators and tyrants such as Omar Bongo of Gabon; Obiang Nguema of Equatorial Guinea; Dos Santos of Angola; Denis Sassou- Nguesso of Congo; Paul Biya of Cameroon; Arap Moi of Kenya; Jerry Rawlings of Ghana; Ibrahim Babadjinda of Nigeria and a number of sitting and ex-presidents in Africa yet western media are silent about where the funds are being kept.

According to a 110 page report prepared by international risk consultancy firm Kroll, Arap Moi and his family have banked £1 billion in 28 countries including Britain but the media in the west will not expose the banks involved.

Apart from the banking sector, the property sector in Europe, America and Australia have also colluded and connived with the political and business elite in Africa to impoverish the people. It has been revealed that several African leaders have bought properties in Europe and America using the monies stolen from their poor countries. It is on record that Mobutu of DRC (Zaire)bought several villas in France, Switzerland, Belgium and many European Countries. Yet again the companies selling the villas have been kept secrete. They will not be exposed by the media. Why would they? According to AFP a French police investigation has established that Bongo and his family own at least 33 luxury properties in France, including a villa located at Rue de la Baume, near the Elysée Palace, in Paris bought in 2007 for 18.8 million Euros. The French President Nicolas Sarkozy has been spotted greeting Bongo in this villa bought with funds looted from Gabon. However, other investigations have uncovered that he and his family have at least 59 properties, several bonds and stocks in France alone. French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner was embarrassed when it was revealed that Bongo’s government paid his consultancy firm a staggering 2.64 million Euros for advice on health policy drawn up by Kouchner before he took office. It has recently come to light that Arap Moi of Kenya and his family bought several multimillion pound properties in London, New York, South Africa including 10,000-hectare ranch in Australia and bank accounts containing hundreds of millions of pounds. While majority of Kenyans live in slums and in rural areas, with little roofing on their heads and lacking water and other basic necessities of life, Moi’s family live in a £4m home in Surrey and £2m flat in Knightsbridge yet the media will not expose the estate companies involved.

Another area often ignored by the western media is the role play by western companies and corporations in encouraging corruption, bribery and thievery in Africa. It is very common for western companies looking for lucrative contracts to pay bribes and kickbacks to induce officials into awarding them contracts. For example on 17th September 2002, a Canadian firm called Acres International was convicted by a High Court in Lesotho for paying $260,000 bribe to secure an $8 billion dam contract. In 2002 Halliburton a company once controlled by Dick Cheney former US Vice President, Harliburton, was accused of establishing $180m flush fund with the intent of using it to bribe Nigeria officials in order to secure a $10 billion Liquefied Gas Plant contract in Nigeria. Achair Partners a Swiss company and Progresso an Italian company have been accused of bribing Somalia Transition Government officials in order to secure contracts to deposit highly toxic industrial waste in the waters of Somalia. Such corrupt practices by western companies seeking contracts in Africa are one of the reasons why poverty and diseases are rife in the continent.

The catastrophic environmental damage being caused by Oil, mining and timber companies such as Shell, BP, Total, Elf, Texaco, Mittal, Anglo-America Corporation in Nigeria, Ghana, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Angola, Congo, DR. Congo, South Africa, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Senegal do not make the news in the West. How often do we hear about the huge environmental price Africans are paying to satisfy the west insatiable appetite for energy and technology? Apart from the huge profits being made by these conglomerates which we often hear in the news, do we hear also their complete disregard for environmental rules; the pollution of rivers, lakes, streams, wells, and the environment?

In October 2002, after a three year investigation a UN Panel of Experts implicated Cabot Corporation (Boston), Eagle Wings Resources International, and George Forrest’s OM Group (Ohio) for arming rebel groups and collaborating with them to traffic from DR. Congo gold, diamond, timber and most importantly coltan (columbo-tantalite)-a precious ore essential to Sony playstations, laptop computers, and cell phones. Coltan is often spirited out of DRC to U.S., Swiss, Belgian, and German clients by Uganda and Rwanda army officers, rebel groups and through a network of criminal syndicates. In all 85 companies were implicated by the report. Except the wars and the stranded faces of hungry refugees, do these illegal activities by the corporations make the news in the Western media? Definitely not. Even when local journalists and writers document these for broadcast in the western media they refuse because it does not serve their interest in the wider scheme of things. These are the hypocrisy and the double standard of the western media. They want the world to know how poor Africans are but fail to tell the world that Africans are poor because Western banking institutions, property development companies, defence companies and defence contractors, oil, mining and technology corporations are major stakeholders in promoting Africa’s poverty and underdevelopment.

Corruption and bribery in Africa and indeed the developing world could be reduce tremendously if the media for once put aside the pick and choose journalism and attach the same importance to show the degree of involvement by western capitalist institutions in Europe, America and Japan and their role in keeping Africans poor.

June 17, 2009

By Lord Aikins Adusei (Modern Ghana)

STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS BY Jacob ZUMA, PRESIDENT OF SOUTH AFRICA, 03 June 2009

 

President of the Republic of South Africa, Jacob Zuma

 

 

STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS BY HIS EXCELLENCY J G ZUMA, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA, JOINT SITTING OF PARLIAMENT, CAPE TOWN
03 JUNE 2009

 

 

 

Honourable Speaker;
Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces;
Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly and Deputy Chairperson of the NCOP;
Deputy President of the Republic, Kgalema Motlanthe
Former President of the Republic, Thabo Mbeki, 
Our icon, the First President of a democratic South Africa, Isithwalandwe Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, 
Former Deputy Presidents,
Distinguished Premiers and Speakers of our Provinces;
Esteemed members of the Judiciary;
Chairperson of SALGA, mayors and leaders in our system of local government;
Chairperson of the National House of Traditional Leaders and our honoured traditional leaders;

Heads of Chapter 9 Institutions;
Governor of the Reserve Bank,
Religious leaders,
Directors-General and other leaders of the public service;
President of the Pan African Parliament, Honourable Idriss Endele Moussa,
Your Excellencies Ambassadors and High Commissioners;
Distinguished guests, comrades and friends;
Fellow South Africans,

Dumelang, Abusheni, Molweni, 

On the 22nd of April, millions of South Africans went out to cast their votes. They exercised their democratic right spurred on by the desire to change their lives for the better. In their overwhelming numbers, they confirmed that working together we can do more to fight poverty and build a better life for all. They were encouraged by the vision of an inclusive society, a South Africa that belongs to all, a nation united in its diversity, a people working together for the greater good of all. We are humbled by this decisive electoral mandate given by the people of our country, who have chosen their government in a most convincing manner. 

Honourable Members, Our nation has over the past few years gone through very challenging times. It is thanks to the fact that we have a strong and fully functional constitutional democratic system, with solid institutions, that we overcame these difficulties smoothly and with dignity. Today’s occasion is a celebration of what makes this democracy work. It is also a celebration of our culture of continuity and collective responsibility. This is evidenced by the presence here of our icon Madiba, who laid the foundation for the country’s achievements, and that of former President Thabo Mbeki, who built on that foundation. The continuity is also evident in the fact that former President Kgalema Motlanthe is now the Deputy President of the Republic, after a seamless transition, making us a unique country in many respects.

Fellow South Africans, 

As you would be aware, the fight against poverty remains the cornerstone of our government’s focus. On the 9th of May, during the Presidential inauguration, we made a commitment to our people and the world that:

For as long as there are South Africans who die from preventable disease;
For as long as there are workers who struggle to feed their families and who battle to find work;
For as long as there are communities without clean water, decent shelter or proper sanitation;
For as long as there are rural dwellers unable to make a decent living from the land on which they live;
For as long as there are women who are subjected to discrimination, exploitation or abuse;
For as long as there are children who do not have the means nor the opportunity to receive a decent education;

We shall not rest, and we dare not falter, in our drive to eradicate poverty.

In pursuit of these goals, our government has identified 10 priority areas, which form part of our Medium Term Strategic Framework for 2009 to 2014. The programme is being introduced under difficult economic conditions. The past year has seen the global economy enter a period of crisis unprecedented in recent decades. While South Africa has not been affected to the extent that a number of other countries have, its effects are now being clearly seen in our economy. We have entered a recession. It is more important now than ever that we work in partnership on a common programme to respond to this crisis. We take as our starting point the framework for South Africa’s response to the international economic crisis, concluded by government, labour and business in February this year. We must act now to minimise the impact of this downturn on those most vulnerable.

We have begun to act to reduce job losses. There is an agreement in principle between government and the social partners on the introduction of a training layoff. Workers who would ordinarily be facing retrenchment due to economic difficulty would be kept in employment, for a period of time and re-skilled. Discussion on the practical detail is continuing between the social partners and the institutions that would be affected by such an initiative, including the Sector Education and Training Authorities. We will support the work of the Commission for Conciliation Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) to assist employers and workers to find alternatives to retrenchments through the relevant legal process. To date, CCMA commissioners have saved over four thousand jobs through facilitation processes, and provided ongoing advice and support to retrenched workers.

The Industrial Development Corporation has developed a programme to fund companies in distress. We will also ensure that government buys more goods and services locally, without undermining our global competitiveness or pushing up costs beyond acceptable levels. Building on the successes of our industrial policy interventions, a scaled up Industrial Policy Action Plan will be developed. The lead sectors already identified are automobile, chemicals, metal fabrication, tourism, clothing and textiles as well as forestry. In addition, attention will also be paid to services, light manufacturing and construction amongst others, in the quest to create decent jobs.

As part of Phase 2 of the Expanded Public Works Programme, the Community Work Programme will be fast-tracked. It offers a minimum level of regular work to those who need it, while improving the quality of life in communities. The economic downturn will affect the pace at which our country is able to address the social and economic challenges it faces. But it will not alter the direction of our development. The policy priorities that we have identified, and the plans that we placed before the electorate, remain at the core of the programme of this government.

Laat ons mekaar se hande vat, en saam oplossings vind in die gees van n Suid Afrikaanse gemeenskap. Die tyd het gekom om harder te werk. Ons regering gaan vorentoe kyk, nie agtertoe nie! 

The steps outlined in our Medium Term Strategic Framework had to take into account the constraints posed by the economic crisis. The downturn should not cause us to change these plans. Instead it should urge us to implement these with speed and determination.

The Framework focuses on 10 priorities.
We make a commitment that working together we will speed up economic growth and transform the economy to create decent work and sustainable livelihoods. We will introduce a massive programme to build economic and social infrastructure. We will develop and implement a comprehensive rural development strategy linked to land and agrarian reform and food security. We will strengthen the skills and human resource base. We will improve the health profile of all South Africans. Working together with all South Africans, we will intensify the fight against crime and corruption. We will build cohesive, caring and sustainable communities. Working with Africa and the rest of the world, we will pursue African advancement and enhanced international co-operation. We will ensure sustainable resource management and use. And, working with the people and supported by our public servants, we will build a developmental state, improve public services and strengthen democratic institutions.

It is my pleasure and honour to highlight the key elements of our programme of action.

The creation of decent work will be at the centre of our economic policies and will influence our investment attraction and job-creation initiatives. In line with our undertakings, we have to forge ahead to promote a more inclusive economy. In this regard, we will utilise state levers such as procurement, licensing and financial support to assist small medium enterprises as well as to promote the implementation of Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment and affirmative action policies. The implementation will be done in recognition of the need to correct the imbalances of the past. The transformation will be undertaken in support of women, youth and people with disabilities. We will reduce the regulatory burden on small businesses. The matter of being stifled by regulations has been raised by the sector several times. 

In another intervention to create an enabling environment for investment, government will move towards a single integrated business registration system. This will improve customer service and reduce the cost of doing business in South Africa. Another important element of our drive to create job opportunities is the Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP). The initial target of one million jobs has been achieved. 

The second phase of the programme aims to create about four million job opportunities by 2014. Between now and December 2009, we plan to create about 500 000 job opportunities. While creating an environment for jobs and business opportunities, government recognises that some citizens will continue to require state social assistance. Social grants remain the most effective form of poverty alleviation. As of 31 March 2009, more than 13 million people received social grants, more than 8 million of whom are children. We are mindful of the need to link the social grants to jobs or economic activity in order to encourage self-reliance amongst the able-bodied. Most importantly during this period, neighbours should assist each other. 

Jwale ke nako yakopano. Are thusaneng jwale ka baahisane. 

Are dumalaneng hore ho sebane le ngwana ya tla robalang ka tlala hobane batswadi bahae bafeletswe ke mosebetsi. Hare ka kopana ra sebetsa kaofela re ka etsa ho feta mo.

Distinguished guests, as part of the second strategic priority we will continue with our programme to build economic and social infrastructure. The newly-formed Infrastructure Development Cluster of government will ensure that the planned R787 billion infrastructure expenditure as provided for in the budget earlier this year is properly planned for and executed. This funding includes allocations for the school building programme, public transport including the bus rapid transit system, housing, water and sanitation. 

One of the biggest infrastructure investment projects is in the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup. We have, as government and the nation at large, pledged that the World Cup will leave a proud legacy from which Our children and our communities will benefit for many years to come. We are on track to meet all our obligations and are determined to give the world the best World Cup ever. We are putting all systems in place to make the Confederations Cup, which kicks off on the 14th of June, a huge success. 

In April this year, I gave an undertaking to the taxi industry leadership to defer negotiations relating to the operation of the Bus Integrated Rapid Transit system until after the elections. We undertook to allow more time to deal properly with the concerns of the industry. On the 11th of June the Minister of Transport will resume discussions with the industry. The meeting will kick-start a series of engagements with the stakeholders affected by the BRT system. We are confident that unresolved issues will be dealt with to the satisfaction of all parties. This will include the important issue of how all stakeholders will benefit from the initiative.

Honourable Members,

Another development which should boost the World Cup is the roll-out of the digital broadcasting infrastructure and signal distribution transmitters. Overall, we will ensure that the cost of telecommunications is reduced through the projects under way to expand broadband capacity. We have to ensure that we do not leave rural areas behind in these exciting developments. As part of social infrastructure development we will provide suitably located and affordable housing and decent human settlements. 

We will proceed from the understanding that human settlement is not just about building houses. It is about transforming our cities and towns and building cohesive, sustainable and caring communities with closer access to work and social amenities, including sports and recreation facilities. In this spirit, we will work with Parliament to speed up the processing of the Land Use Management Bill. 

Working together with our people in the rural areas, we will ensure a comprehensive rural development strategy linked to land and agrarian reform and food security, as our third priority. I would like to use this opportunity to extend our condolences to the family of the Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Dirk du Toit, who passed away this week. His contribution will be sorely missed.

Abantu basemakhaya nabo banelungelo lokuba nogesi namanzi, izindlu zangasese ezigijima amanzi, imigwaqo, izindawo zokuqeda isizungu nezemidlalo kanye nezindawo zokuthenga eziphucukile njengasemadolobheni. Nabo banelungelo lokusizwa kwezolimo ukuze bazitshalele imifino nokunye, bafuye nemfuyo bakwazi ukuziphilisa. 

Sizimisele ukuwuqala lomkhankaso wokwakha izingqalasizinda ezindaweni zasemakhaya. Uma sibambisene nezakhamizi, amakhosi, amakhansela nezinduna siyokwazi ukuwusheshisa lomsebenzi. 

Sicela abahlala ezindaweni zasemakhaya baqale balungiselele ukutshela uhulumeni ukuthi yiziphi izinto abazidinga ngokushesha. Uma sisebenza ngokubambisana sizokwenza okuningi. 

Hon. Speaker and Chairperson,

While having drawn the necessary lessons from earlier rural development initiatives, we have chosen the Greater Giyani Local Municipality in Limpopo as the first of the pilot projects for the campaign. Out of these projects will emerge lessons for the whole country. 

In addition, we will work on the targeted renewal of rural towns, through grants such as the Neighbourhood Development Grant programme. In this way, areas around the towns will benefit from the economic boost. With all these interventions, we are poised to change the face of rural areas in our country. Compatriots, Education will be a key priority for the next five years. We want our teachers, learners and parents to work with government to turn our schools into thriving centres of excellence. The Early Childhood Development programme will be stepped up, with the aim of ensuring universal access to Grade R and doubling the number of 0-4 year old children by 2014.

We reiterate our non-negotiables. Teachers should be in school, in class, on time, teaching, with no neglect of duty and no abuse of pupils! The children should be in class, on time, learning, be respectful of their teachers and each other, and do their homework. To improve school management, formal training will be a pre-condition for promoting teachers to become principals or heads of department.  I will meet school principals to share our vision on the revival of our education system.

Fellow South Africans, 

We will increase our efforts to encourage all pupils to complete their secondary education. The target is to increase enrolment rates in secondary schools to 95 per cent by 2014. We are also looking at innovative measures to bring back into the system pupils who dropped out of school, and to provide support.

Honourable Members, we are very concerned about reports of teachers who sexually harass and abuse children, particularly girls. We will ensure that the Guidelines on Sexual Harassment and Violence in Public Schools are widely disseminated, and that learners and teachers are familiar with and observe them. We will take very serious, and very decisive, action against any teachers who abuse their authority and power by entering into sexual relationships with children.  To promote lifelong learning, the Adult Basic Education and Training Kha ri Gude programme will be intensified. 

Compatriots, Honourable Members, 

We have to ensure that training and skills development initiatives in the country respond to the requirements of the economy. The Further Education and Training sector with its 50 colleges and 160 campuses nationally will be the primary site for skills development training. We will improve the access to higher education of children from poor families and ensure a sustainable funding structure for universities. 

Fellow South Africans,
We are seriously concerned about the deterioration of the quality of health care, aggravated by the steady increase in the burden of disease in the past decade and a half. We have set ourselves the goals of further reducing inequalities in health care provision, to boost human resource capacity, revitalise hospitals and clinics and step up the fight against the scourge of HIV and AIDS, TB and other diseases.

We must work together to improve the implementation of the Comprehensive Plan for the Treatment, Management and Care of HIV and AIDS so as to reduce the rate of new HIV infections by 50% by the year 2011. We want to reach 80% of those in need of ARV treatment also by 2011. We will introduce a National Health Insurance scheme in a phased and incremental manner. In order to initiate the NHI, the urgent rehabilitation of public hospitals will be undertaken through Public-Private Partnerships.

We are also paying urgent attention to the issues of remuneration of health professionals to remove uncertainty in our health services. Working together let us do more to promote quality health care, in line with the United Nations Millennium Development Goals to halve poverty by 2014.

Fellow citizens, 

Together we must do more to fight crime. Our aim is to establish a transformed, integrated, modernised, properly-resourced and well-managed criminal justice system. It is also critically important to improve the efficiency of the courts and the performance of prosecutors and to enhance detective, forensic and intelligence services. This work has started in earnest, and it will be undertaken with new energy and vigour.

Among the immediate targets is to ensure that we increase the number of prosecutors and Legal Aid Board personnel. We will do the same with police detectives. We changed the name of the relevant Ministry from Safety and Security to Police to emphasise that we want real operational energy in police work. This will contribute to the reduction of serious and violent crimes by the set target of 7% to 10% per annum.  The most serious attention will also be given to combating organised crime, as well as crimes against women and children.
Honourable Speaker and Chairperson, 

While appreciating the investment of the private sector in the security industry, we will improve the regulation of this industry. Amongst other key initiatives, we will start the process of setting up a Border Management Agency; we shall intensify our efforts against cyber crime and identity theft, and improve systems in our jails to reduce repeat offending.
Compatriots, I wish to underline our support for the continued transformation of the judiciary. The transformation should address key issues such as the enhancement of judicial independence, entrenching internal systems of judicial accountability as well as ensuring full access to justice by all. The success of the democratic system as a whole depends on good relations of mutual respect and a spirit of partnership among the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary. This is very important for our constitutional democracy.
Honourable Speaker and Chairperson, 

We have repeatedly stated our commitment to fight corruption in the public service. We will pay particular attention to combating corruption and fraud in procurement and tender processes, application for drivers? licences, social grants, IDs, and theft of police case dockets. Let me emphasise that we all have a role to play in this war against crime. We must actively participate in Community Policing Forums. We must stop buying stolen goods, which encourages crime. We must report crime and assist the police with information to catch wrongdoers. In this way, we will move forward towards a crime-free society.

Honourable Members, since 1994 we have sought to create a united cohesive society out of our fragmented past. We are called upon to continue this mission of promoting unity in diversity and to develop a shared value system, based on the spirit of community solidarity and a caring society. Our shared value system should encourage us to become active citizens in the renewal of our country. We must build a common national identity and patriotism. We must develop a common attachment to our country, our Constitution and the national symbols. In this spirit, we will promote the National Anthem and our country?s flag and all other national symbols.

Our children, from an early age, must be taught to pay allegiance to the Constitution and the national symbols, and know what it means to be South African citizens. We will ensure a common national approach to the changing of geographic and place names. This must provide an opportunity to involve all South Africans in forging an inclusive national identity, to deepen our understanding of our history and heritage.

Sport is a powerful nation-building tool. Working together we must support all our national teams from Bafana Bafana to the Proteas and the Springboks; from Banyana Banyana to Paralympians.

Our teams can only do well with our support.
Allow me to use this opportunity to congratulate our national teams for their performances in the past week, indeed in pulling off a hatrick.  The country’s women’s netball team has done us proud by winning the Tri-Nations Netball Challenge. Congratulations to the Sevens Springboks who have become the IRB Sevens World Series Champions – and not forgetting the Blue Bulls who have won the Super 14 finals in a convincing fashion! We take this opportunity to wish the Springboks well in the upcoming series against the British and Irish Lions. It is clear that we need to invest on a large scale in sports development. We will speed up the revival of school sport and ensure that it forms part of the school curriculum. In addition we will ensure that the provision of sport facilities in poorer communities receives priority.

Hon. Speaker and Chairperson,

We have committed ourselves over the years to contribute to building a better Africa and a better world. 
The main goal of government for the medium term is to ensure that our foreign relations contribute to the creation of an environment conducive to sustainable economic growth and development. To this effect, we will continue to prioritise the African continent by strengthening the African Union and its structures, and give special focus to the implementation of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development.

Equally important, and closer to home, is the strengthening of regional integration with particular emphasis on improving the political and economic integration of SADC, towards the AU goal of a Union government. We will establish a South African Development Partnership Agency to promote developmental partnerships with other countries on the continent. South Africa will continue to assist in the reconstruction and development of the African continent especially in post-conflict situations. We will continue to encourage a peaceful and sustainable settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict based on the two- state solution.

We will support the peace efforts of the African Union and the United Nations on the African continent, including in the Saharawi Arab Republic and Darfur in Sudan. As the Chairperson of SADC and Facilitator, we will participate in promoting inclusive government until free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. 

The plight of the Zimbabwean people has had a negative impact on the SADC region, especially South Africa. We call upon all peace-loving countries in the world to support the inclusive government to achieve economic recovery. We will support efforts of the SADC region to resolve the situation in Madagascar.

Allow me, distinguished guests, to pay tribute to the SA National Defence Force for their sterling role in peace building in the continent. Through continental and regional bodies, we will work towards the entrenchment of democracy and the respect for human rights on the African continent. We will contribute to the strengthening of South-South relations and pursue mutually beneficial agreements with key countries of the South.

We will continue to enhance relations with the developed North including the G8, and our strategic partnership with the European Union. We will continue to play an active role in ensuring the conclusion of the WTO Doha Development round of negotiations.

Honourable Speaker and Chairperson, 
South Africa, being a dry country requires urgent action to mitigate adverse environmental changes and to ensure the provision of water to citizens.  Amongst various programmes, we will implement the Water for Growth and Development strategy, which will strengthen water management. We will continue to improve our energy efficiency and reliance on renewable energy.

Honourable Members,
A developmental state requires the improvement of public services and strengthening of democratic institutions. We have established two Ministries in the Presidency to strengthen both strategic planning as well as performance monitoring and evaluation. To ensure delivery on our commitments, we will hold Cabinet Ministers accountable through performance instruments, using established targets and output measures, starting in July. We will also involve State-Owned Enterprises and Development Finance Institutions in the government planning processes and improve the monitoring and evaluation of their performance.

Honourable Members, fellow South Africans,

To ensure that all three spheres – local, provincial and national – improve service delivery, we will speed up the establishment of a single Public Service. This administration will insist on putting people first in service delivery. We will ensure courteous and efficient service from front-counter staff in the provision of services in all government departments. In this era of renewal, we will move towards a more interactive government. To lead by example, work has begun on the establishment of a public liaison capacity in the Presidency. 

In addition to receiving letters and emails from the public, we will also establish a hotline for easier access. Staff will handle each public inquiry as if it was the only one, following it through all the channels until it receives the attention it deserves.

Honourable Speaker and Chairperson,

The National Youth Development Agency, formed through the merger of Umsobomvu Youth Fund and the National Youth Commission will be launched on June 16 in Ekurhuleni. The institutions are being merged to enhance service and development opportunities provided to the youth. The Agency will link up unemployed young graduates with economic opportunities; strengthen efforts to expand the National Youth Service Programme and support young entrepreneurs. 

Speaker and Chairperson, Distinguished Guests,

Next month our beloved Madiba will turn 91. People all over the world still continue to clamour for his presence and for him to address their crises. His values and his example of dedication to the service of humanity is a shining example in today’s troubled world. An international campaign has been initiated by the Nelson Mandela Foundation and related organisations, called Mandela Day, which sums up what Tata stands for. Mandela Day will be celebrated on the 18th of July each year. It will give people in South Africa and all over the world the opportunity to do something good to help others. 

Madiba was politically active for 67 years, and on Mandela Day people all over the world, in the workplace, at home and in schools, will be called upon to spend at least 67 minutes of their time doing something useful within their communities, especially among the less fortunate. Let us wholeheartedly support Mandela Day and encourage the world to join us in this wonderful campaign.

Honourable Speaker and Chairperson Fellow South Africans,

We have presented to the nation our programme for the next five years. Attached to each commitment we make is a detailed project plan, with targets and critical milestones. This information will in due course be made public. Indeed as citizens we should at the same time ask ourselves what is it that we can do on our own to help promote this national programme. To be a citizen is not only about rights, it is also about responsibility, to make a contribution to make ours a better country.

We also expect to work well with Opposition parties in Parliament, in the spirit of putting the country first. In addition, Madiba taught us well that this country belongs to all, black and white. Working for reconciliation and unity will remain important as we move forward.

Since the implementation of our programme will take place in the face of the economic downturn, we will have to act prudently – no wastage, no rollovers of funds – every cent must be spent wisely and fruitfully. We must cut our cloth according to our size. 

Fellow South Africans, working together we can do more to realise our common vision of a better and more prosperous nation!

This is the partnership we are calling for.

I thank you!

An experience that no human being or animal should be subjected to…

A while ago (2 May 2009) I read an article published on Vukani community newspaper (in Cape Town). It had a story on one of health system’s failures; however I still can’t get over the poor women’s bad experience with the Govt. hospital she went to for assistance and her irreplaceable loss.

The story goes like this, a 21 year old women (Nomampondo Booi) from Khayelitsha (Cape Town), has opened a case against the nurse she accuses of being the cause of her baby’s death. 

From the story it emerges that Nomampondo went to Nolungile Day Hospital in Site B seeking assistance with the delivery of her baby. She “…needed a toilet and I asked” (the nurse) who’s response was somehow rhetorical asking Nomampondo if whether she couldn’t see where the toilet was. She proceeded to the toilet where she delivered the baby into the bowl. “After I realised that I gave birth I screamed for help. She (the nurse) came and told me to pick up my ‘thing’, clapping and beating me. I had to pick up the child on my own, still attached to me. I was pale with the beating I got from her”.

 

Nomampondo’s concerned aunt upon hearing the news visited the hospital to enquire about what transpired. Instead of getting answers securities and police were called on her however she stood her ground demanding answers despite the (anger) treatment she got from the nurses, she was eventually told that the child had a problem with her lungs which led to the death, “but they never alluded to the fact that the child was born in the toilet bowl and that could have been a major problem” (writes the reporter). 

Nomampondo’s aunt believes that the baby could have died because of a head butt, “the child had a purple mark on the forehead that shows she might have been hurt by the seat,” said the furious aunt. The aunt requested an autopsy and she was promised the results on 13th May. “When I got to the hospital on that day, there were no results. They instead told us that the file was lost. There were also suggestions that they will test placentas, but I was told it was destroyed. It was clear they were hiding something,”…I had to cause chaos to get somebody to listen to me. A certain doctor by the name of Ishmael was the one who eventually listened to me. He tried to convince me that according to the file he had, the chances of the baby’s survival were very slim” said Nomampondo’s aunt. When the doctor was asked if he was aware that the baby was delivered in the toilet, he said he was not and shocked at this revelation. It was at this point that he tried to pay attention. The patient’s file was not even signed by the nurse. The site B police station confirmed that the police were investigating both parties, however the case will be sent to court for the prosecutor to decide. Attempts by the newspaper to get comments from the Department of Health draw a blank as usual. 

I believe there’s a very strong rule that governs nurses’ practice or rather that they are expected to enforce and this rule is always (well mostly) on their examination paper. The rule states that not under any circumstance should a women who’s about to deliver be allowed to go to the toilet, whether they want to piss or crap rather they do it on the bed. I believe this rule was enforced and emphasised clearly to avoid situations such as those experienced by people like Nomampondo Booi. I am no medical expert I just read (when I’m bored or don’t have anything to do) it’s times like these that such knowledge come in handy, lets hope the justice will prevail fro this women. If I were her I would lodge another complaint with South African Nursing Council too.

Does SABC appreciate the work Zikala did for it if not for SA?

Dr Snuki Zikalala

I’m disappointed with the treatment Dr Snuki Zikalala has received despite his hard work which revolutionalised the SABC News from what it used to be.

 

 

I remember when he first joined SABC there was a lot of negative talk about his appointment

“The post was advertised and I went through an interviewing process about three weeks ago. I was chosen on merit, not because I’m an ANC lackey.”

 

Current and former employees who worked under Zikalala described his management style as “dictatorial” and said signs were that several resignations would be tendered as a result. Democratic Alliance communications spokesman Dene Smuts described Zikalala’s previous tenure at the SABC as “the lowest point in its post-1994 corporate life”. Veteran journalist and editor Allister Sparks said Zikalala’s appointment was a “retrogressive step” that harked back to the days when the SABC was under apartheid control.

 

Everyone was on his case not expecting him to perform but instead he disappointed them and changed what used to be Johannesburg News to South African news. He deployed journalists all over South Africa ensuring that they cover the real South African stories directly on the ground and not through telephones interviews with a snap shot (picture) of the interviewee on the back ground. There was a time when the weather channel was reported only in English and Afrikaans if reported in IsiXhosa it would be the same every day i.e. a voice over (no face) saying “kuzawuthi gqwagqwa ngamafu” every day no highs and lows or the speed of the wind etc.

 

He went further to set up bureaus around Africa and deployed journalists to cover those stories instead of buying them from CNN channels (you’d remember back in the days we used to have an over night CNN channel instead of SABC Africa now SABC International). International stories (including Africa) were sourced (at a price) I mean we would buy a story on Zimbabwe from CNN even though it was just next door to us.

 

Upon closer scrutiny it doesn’t take a genius to see that he had a plan with timelines and I’m sure part of it included having SABC International available as a subscription channel throughout the world (not just SA) thus ensuring that people abroad get the real stories from the people who know and have or are experiencing it rather than hearing it from CNN or BBC etc. which often portrayed Africa as the dark continent full of war, poverty, diseases and nothing positive.

   

It is this plan that the South African Broadcasting Channel failed to consider when deciding on his contract, it is this change that the media failed to report on when reflecting on his tenure at SABC.

 

Like Jacob Zuma people (academics and analysts especially) judged him by his qualifications i.e. where he obtained his Doctorate rather than on delivery.

 

Fare you well Dr Zikalala (some have noted your great contribution to SABC if not to SA). 

http://www.thetimes.co.za/News/Article.aspx?id=988844

OPEN LETTER TO FORMER PRESIDENT THABO MBEKI

Dear Cde Mbeki

 

The events that came to pass in our country in the last week have left me very little

option, but to address you directly on the matters at hand.

 

I am certain that you are painfully aware that the release of the transcripts of the

conversations between Ngcuka and McCarthy, not only sent shockwaves through the

nation, but through our movement. The NPA briefing finally bought closure to a

painful episode of your reign both as President of the Republic and of the ANC. An

episode one hopes will never come to pass ever again in the history of our movement.

 

It is a sad reality that the phenomenon we are dealing with today is a result of your

actions of conniving, manipulating people and advancing politics of patronage.

Despite the fact that you were a democratically elected President, you chose to run

both the organisation and the country with a cabal which sought to commandeer

everyone along your thinking and vision, which at times ran contrary to what the

ANC stood for.

 

Mandela led the ANC with distinction, and acknowledged at all times that he will

always be subject to its authority and directives, even after he left the office of ANC

President. His leadership at the helm of the ANC continues to inspire our forward

momentum and his wisdom will remain a point of reference for generations to come.

 

Mandela’s wise words, an icon of our liberation struggle, an embodiment of the

ANC’s values, continue to reverberate to this day. At the time of your acceptance of

your election as President of the ANC at the Mafikeng Conference in 1997, Madiba

said, “…here are the reigns of the movement – protect and guard its precious legacy;

defend its unity and integrity as committed disciples of change; pursue its popular

objectives like true revolutionaries who seek only to serve the nation… As an ordinary

member of the ANC I suppose that I will also have many privileges that I have been

deprived of over the years: to be as critical as I can be; to challenge any signs of

‘autocracy from Shell House’; and to lobby for my preferred candidates from the

branch level upwards… I look forward to that period when I will be able to wake up

with the sun; to walk the hills and valleys of Qunu in peace and tranquillity. And I am

confident that this will certainly be the case because, as I do so, and see the smiles on

the faces of children which reflect the sunshine in their hearts, I will know, comrade

Thabo and your team, that you are on the right track; you are succeeding. ”

 

Having reflected on Mandela’s words, I am certain that you either did not hear his

wise words, or you deliberately elected not to take heed of them. His challenge to

you to defend the unity and integrity of the ANC was central to his message and

should have been a beacon in your leadership of the ANC. The smiles on the faces of

the children are yet to reflect the sunshine in their hearts, because that moment is yet

to come.

 

Mandela handed you a vibrant and united ANC, yet at the twilight of your Presidency,

you chose to betray everything that Mandela and those that came before him stood

for, struggled for, and laid down their lives for. In a moment of intoxication with power, you forgot Madiba’s wise counsel and allowed our glorious movement to stumble on the edge of an abyss.

 

When your cabal was finally defeated in Polokwane because of its actions and underhanded tactics at securing a third term for you as a President of the ANC, they went into an elaborate conspiratorial mode, famously dubbed “the fightback strategy,” which clearly carried your blessing. It is one’s considered view that it was the failure of this strategy that led you and your lieutenants to spawn the so-called Congress of the People as a vehicle to fight the ANC and undermine its hegemony and legacy.

 

It is a sad day in our nation that one has to allude that your legacy, at its pinnacle, has only brought us shame and disgrace, overshadowing what would have otherwise been a commendable political career. It is not my place to pass judgement, but am convinced that history will judge you very harshly for what you have come to represent in the latter day.

 

I find it rather instructive that in your reaction to the release of the Ngcuka/McCarthy transcripts you chose to pose the question as to how did the tapes come to be in the possession of the ANC President’s lawyers. The more fundamental issue which I would have expected would be your primary preoccupation would be how did you fail the nation so badly such that the chain of events over the last nine years landed us in the position we find ourselves in today. How did the state apparatus become so embroiled in partisan politics that sought to rip our movement apart such that not even the highest office in the land had the political will to put brakes on the rot that was settling in?

 

While the movement may take collective responsibility for the actions of our government as a ruling party, however, my heart bleeds that the relationship of trust the ANC conferred on you in Mafikeng was broken. The mantra of your Presidency, “the rule of law” was betrayed in the most vulgar way possible.

 

• When spy allegations were levelled at Bulelani Ngcuka, then National Director of Public Prosecutions, you were swift in your appointment of the Heffer Commission to probe those allegations as an attempt to protect him;
• When the infamous off-the-record briefings conducted by Bulelani Ngcuka came to light, where Ngcuka is alleged to have made libellous remarks about Jacob Zuma, who was the Deputy President of the Republic at the time, you conveniently turned a blind eye and failed to act;
• When Bulelani Ngcuka, flanked by then Minister of Justice, Pennuel Maduna addressed a media briefing wherein he suggested that Cde Zuma had a case to answer, but he will not prosecute him, you once again conveniently failed to act on what was a blatant violation of Cde Zuma’s rights;
• You then proceeded to appoint Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka as Deputy President of the Republic as a reward to the loyalty of the Ngcukas;
• When the Public Protector pronounced on the violation of Cde Zuma’s rights, his findings were met with scorn, and again, no action was forthcoming on your part;
• When the National Intelligence Agency expressed alarm about the unlawful activities of the Scorpions, once again you did nothing;
• When the Browse Mole report came to light, which was produced by the Scorpions, you were quick to dismiss it as work of counter-revolutionary forces, and proceeded to ignore the recommendations of Parliament’s Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence. In an interesting twist or irony, McCarthy, who was the head of the DSO at the time was rewarded with a
• handsome golden handshake and a recommendation for a high ranking job with the World Bank, at a time when he and those who were responsible for the Browse Mole report should have been under investigation;
• You did not hesitate to destroy a relationship that spanned decades between yourself and Billy Masetlha when he raised concerns about the allegedly hoax emails that were making rounds, and you defined your relationship with him as irretrievable.
• You continued to protect Jackie Selebi, the National Police Commissioner and did not hesitate to suspend Vusi Pikoli, the National Director of Public Prosecutions when he sought to arrest Selebi, for reasons known only to yourself;
• You dismissed Cde Zuma, then Deputy President of the Republic, on the basis of inferences in the Shabir Shaik trial. Interestingly, you were quick to cry foul when Justice Nicholson made far reaching findings in his judgements and drew inferences on your perceived interference with due processes of law;
• You failed to take the nation into confidence and confirm that you were the author of the now famous letter to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA) on the arms deal, a letter which was a central piece of evidence at the Shaik trial;
• You conducted briefings to ANC structures, religious community, opposition parties (particularly the DA) on how corrupt Cde Zuma was, in an attempt to garner public support and sympathy, and whereby you arrogated yourself the role of being a judge in Cde Zuma’s persecution;
• You were highly implicated as a central player in the compilation of a dossier which sought to defame Cde Zuma in the run-up to Polokwane, which was distributed among ANC delegates at conference;
• You failed to engage the leadership of the ANC in a face to face engagement, and you reduced your relationship with Cde Zuma to an exchange of letters, whose contents you leaked to Terror Lekota;
• You flatly refused to campaign for the ANC, despite your assertion that you remain a loyal member of the ANC, and demanded that a letter be written to you in this regard. It was the first time ever that a cadre of the ANC had to be written a letter in order for them to campaign for the ANC. Not even Mandela ever made such a demand on the ANC. Such practice is foreign to the tried and tested traditions of the ANC and can best be described as anti-ANC;

 

It is therefore my considered view that you left the state apparatus in absolute disarray and the state machinery completely paralysed.

 

It is equally interesting that you believe the Inspector-General will save the day in what has become public humiliation of Ngcuka and McCarthy. The fundamental question that must preoccupy the Inspector-General is not how the tapes found their way to the ANC President’s lawyers, but rather how deep did this conspiracy ran and to ensure that relevant organs of state act swiftly to bring the perpetrators to book.

 

What happened to the values of the ANC, which at some point in your political career embodies and taught others? What happened to the ethos that says the ANC is bigger than all of us, we are but humble servants of this revolutionary movement? What happened to the pursuit of the founding ideals of the ANC, which the giants of our revolution who include Cdes Langalibalele Dube, Sol Plaatjie, Walter Sisulu, Moses Kotane, Oliver Tambo, Nelson Mandela and many others personified?

 

There remains little doubt that the establishment of COPE has your blessings and you continue to encourage them to swear by your name because you do not believe that the ANC can advance the age of hope under the stewardship of Cde Zuma, and that it will survive without you.

 

I doubt if today you were president, this conspiracy that has come to light would have been uncovered.

 

Fikile Mbalula

HEAD OF ORGANISING AND CAMPAIGNS AND MEMBER OF THE ANC

NEC AND NWC

Writing in his personal capacity

Let’s talk about the tapes that got JZ off the hook

Brief background

Our airports have become the centre of criminal activities which amounts between 200 million 300 million a year this is just at OR Tambo airport alone. In 2001 Paul O’Sullivan was appointed as Group Executive – Aviation Security, Employed by Airports Company South Africa (ACSA) his role was to ensure such criminal activities as above are non-existent or at least kept as low as possible.

When Paul joined ACSA a company by the name of Khuselani security was in charge of securities headed back then by CEO Noel Ngwenya. A few days after Paul joined ACSA two serious robberies within days apart took place at OR Tambo international Airport (possibly by the same syndicate), this obviously was a wake-up call for him that his job was a very serious one. He exercised his powers and fired Khuselani Securities (a good decision but not a great move considering the toes he was stepping on) for contract details: http://www.acsa.co.za/home.asp?pid=94&toolid=2&ItemID=3369). On who’s toes he stepped on and how this was a good business decision but bad one for his life read this article http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=13&set_id=1&art_id=vn20061108014727730C487630

Now back to the subject, the former NDPP Boss Leonard McCarthy had the responsibility to probe the allegations against Jack Selebi mentioned on this link which I already referred you to it above http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?click_id=13&set_id=1&art_id=vn20061108014727730C487630 this later translated to Jack Selebi facing charges of corruption and defeating the ends of justice and it was all leaked by Paul O’Sullivan to certain newspapers as well as NPA strategically. In 2006 the Scorpions were now seriously investigating Selebi, certain information was leaked to media such as Selebi’s links to Agliotti, Andrew Philips, Gavin Varejes and Steven Ferrer as well as information on insurance fraud by Nassif this also included information on Brett Kebble.

In his (Jackie Selebi) attempt to prevent NPA from prosecuting him he started searching background information on McCarthy (who was heading the investigation?) looking for something that he could use against him in order to prevent him from further pursuing the charges against him.

The tapes

Certain allegations were framed and labeled against McCarthy in order for the SAPS to tap his phone , this was part of the search to find information that can be used against McCarthy as well as to monitor developments on the Selebi case such as conversations with possible witnesses who might then be warned, threatened etc not to testify against the gangster in uniform. The tapping of the phone haapned just before and after ANC Polokwane conference.

A few days before ANC Polokwane conference NPA was ready to make a move on Selebi as well as Jacob Zuma.

Mbeki’s role

The NPA informed the Mbeki that they were ready to make a move (arrest)on the two (Selebi and Zuma). However because of the political situation just before ANC Polokwane conference Mbeki advised NPA to wait until after the conference in the interest of the country. This I think was also to prevent JZ from getting sympathy votes or losing votes from Selebi die hards.

more assumptions

These tapes I believe have been in the possession of SAPS (Selebi) since the, probably waiting for the right time to release them. Why (SAPS) or Selebi decided to pass them on Zuma’s lawyers is another good question which doesn’t need a genious to answer (Selebi’s future at SAPS depends on him being on the right team) whether JZ will yield to this strategic move for favours remains to be seen only time will tell.

Why I stopped singing “areme boere”

Spent my lunch wondering in 1987 when I got chased for a distance of about 170-200 mitres by a soldier that had jumped off a moving apartheid hippo (aka mellow yellow).

 

This is one memorable moment I wouldn’t forget, probably the highest adrenalin rush I’ve ever had too. Poor soldier had a reason to be angry at me, I sang “areme boere” at him after hearing people sing “areme boere” the night before at a *toitoi and yep I was there running in the frontline singing until my uncle spotted me (it was easy to be spotted, I was this tiny little boy running in front of everyone). Eish my uncle gave me a good hiding and sent me home (glad he didn’t walk me home or tell my parents otherwise I wouldn’t have been able to lie about where I was and why I looked like I had cried). On arrival I made sure my mom didn’t know that I was toitoing that night but got a hiding for not arriving before sunset, had she known where I was, I would have had to endure more corporal punishment (eina).

 

The following day about less than 200 mitres away from home, I spotted a hippo or mellow yellow as it was also known as, just when it went pass me I saw its door was open and it was full of soldiers (with a few blacks amongst them), I started singing last night’s song “areme boere” clearly one of the soldiers was not impressed as he was jumping off the mellow yellow, I had already sprinted home for cover. I ran passed my mother (who was busy washing clothes outside the house) into the house and hid under the bed, and this wasn’t the best hiding place but the safest. The soldier located me as he was pulling me from under the bed my mother screamed (nee nee nee loss my kind) as she saw him chasing me into the house and could clearly hear my hysterical screams too as he was pulling me from under the bed.

 

Needless to say after hearing my mother’s begging and apology the guy left but not before giving my mother a piece of his mind hey. I still wonder even today,

What would have happened had he caught me during the chase or if my mother was not around to yell (nee nee nee loss my kind asseblief).

 

• Toi Toi is an act of dance / song that has ritualistic roots and that distinctively characterises the nature of protest in a South African demonstration.

Race is still the issue (will South Africans’ vote depend on it?)

In 1994 when African National Congerss (ANC) campaigned for power and a number of promises were made to All South Africans amongst them a better life for all. 15 years later the same promises are still being made by the same organisation. On the other hand DA took less than 4 years to deliver services that would have taken the ANC more than 15 years to deliver (see Eastern Cape for evidence). This is a personal take on possible Western Cape 2009 election results and what would be the possible cause for such an outcome.

 

This blog/note is inspired by two discussions I’ve had with one of my friends working for NSFAS and a few MK veterans I happened to have had a discussion with over the weekend (after Jacob Zuma’s ‘human rights speech’).

 

The first discussion with my NSAFS friend revolved around Helen Zille’s DA delivery in the Western Cape within a short space of time versus ANC’s delivery record in the same province over a longer period and all other provinces over 15 years (with EC as prime example).

 

From the discussions it emerged that ANC KNOWS HOW TO PROMISE AND THE DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE (DA) KNOWS HOW TO DELIVER, this at the time I couldn’t agree nor disagree with as I haven’t at the time witnessed the changes in the Western Cape since my last visit. But have certainly witnessed ANC’s failures to deliver within the Eastern Cape Province.

 

I’ve only been in Cape Town for 3 weeks but I have to say compared to my last visit in 1996 and 2002 I have witnessed a lot of positive changes or progress as compared to the Eastern Cape (ANC’s ‘strong hold’ (COPE’s loyalists may differ).

 

Amongst the excuses that one got was that DA has qualified and experienced personnel while ANC is dominated by under qualified inexperienced personnel but with great political history and this converts to votes with each election. First question I had in mind when I heard this, could it be true that ANC employs personnel based on their political loyalty rather than ability to deliver (needless to say the answer was a big no with various weightless defensive arguments).

 

To go back to my subject, could it be true then that those who vote for other parties other than DA in the Western Cape which delivered to them services that ANC failed to deliver over a 10 year period do so out of race rather than delivery. This question was an interesting question which I struggled to find answers for until I came to Cape Town and experienced that race is till the issue.

 

Like most people’s experiences I was amongst those who were certain that Mandela’s dream of a rainbow nation is just around the corner for South Africa, well not until my recent relocation to Cape Town. There are restaurants where your service is fast tracked just so they can get rid of you as if your presence is costing them business. This has shown me how Cape Town is plain racist. Even coloured people are racist towards blacks. How has this phenomenon lasted for so long in CT could it be the fact that most Cape blacks are predominantly based in non-developed places and are still aspiring towards middle class statuses – therefore they don’t have the confidence to undermine and brush racists aside.

 

Just yesterday I watched Hellen Zille on the news dancing with a number of black people singing and they were not singing “umshini wam”, a song which has proved to make people dance recently both those who like it and those who don’t but dance out of poking fun at someone.

 

If Western Cape votes will be based on delivery then DA will win with a 2/3 majority but if race is still the issue they’ll achieve non of the above. Did I mention to you that Western Cape’s RDP houses are by far decent with dignity compared to the Eastern Cape’s open plan RDP houses.

The Jacob Zuma saga continues

Firstly I have to applaud the ANC (African National Congress) for once they didn’t give names to Judges, as we all know what they’ve been saying in the past whenever a court ruled against them. This time around they gave the judges the respect that they deserve and ‘accepted’ the ruling; I wish I could say the same for Jacob Zuma who might be contesting the outcome.

 

Based on SCA ruling which I find to be pretty professional leaving no room for questions as the judges focussed squarely on their job and not the SA politics therefore leaving no room for accusations and less room for grounds to appeal the ruling.

 

Firstly the 5 Judges made clear (through the mouth of Judge Harms) their displeasure at the political comments made by Judge Nicholson when he delivered his ruling which went against the NPA for charging Jacob Zuma without affording him an opportunity to make representations. The judges made it clear that the matter that was brought before Judge Nicholson did not require political nosiness, “he (Judge Nicholson) took his eyes off the ball and red carded not only the players but the spectators” as well. Judge Harms further added that “Judgement by Ambush is not permitted” that is, findings based on “unconfirmed newspaper speculations” in the process overstepping the limits of the “court below” therefore “transgressing the proper boundaries” between executive and judiciary. These matters are not matters of law. They are purely political questions. “Whether or not one agrees with the judges sentiments is of no consequence, …the point is that those personal sentiments … were unwarranted.”

 

Secondly their ruling on Thabo Mbeki’s request to be part of the case (The application to join as an Amicus Curiae) was “refused”.

 

The judges made it clear that the ruling had nothing to do with whether Jacob Zuma is guilty or not but has to do with a procedure that is, did Zuma have a right to make representations before being charged. In this matter the judges ruled in the NPA’s favour thereby clearing the way for NPA to continue with its charges against Jacob Zuma.

 

There’s a perception that NPA is expected to recharge Jacob Zuma, this is not right because the case against Jacob Zuma was not withdrawn but set aside, this means that Jacob Zuma is still charged and that automatically the parties should be setting a date to meet, where they will be discussing a mutual date to got to court (subject to Jacob Zuma not appealing the 5 Judges’ ruling).

 

What are the options for Jacob Zuma?

 

Firstly he can appeal the ruling at Constitutional court, however at this point I don’t think the court will rule otherwise (but I’m not legal expert).

 

Secondly he may negotiate a settlement with NPA; this I believe will include a jail sentence considering that the NPA also wants to prove a point.

 

A very long short will be to win the elections with a 2/3 majority and change the constitution to not allow a seating president to be prosecuted.

 

As for the option of a permanent stay in prosecution a friend had this to say,

I don’t think a permanent stay of prosecution is the answer. You need to understand that we have a Constitution to protect here. South Africa is country that prides itself on the values as enshrined in the Constitution. We cannot let Zuma go simply because we are afraid of what his supporters will do. If we are going to let Zuma go we will be sending a wrong information not only to other people accused of crime but to the world and that will do wonders for our economy. We cannot be intimidated by a bunch of people who think they can run a country like they run their households. You may say this is not realistic but just think of the effect this will have on us. The eyes are on us, everyone is waiting to see the outcome of this thing. They can fight and even kill people, it will still not change the fact that Zuma (must be brought to book). We cannot have people thinking they are above the law. If the prosecution is stayed, then this [is] exactly what will be happening. Read the full 155 page judgement click here

ANC is its own worst enemy

As much as the ANC managed to pull a historic landmark, where a seating president was defeated, this is a very rare phenomenon any where in the world, because cadres tend to be very afraid of state presidents, due to obvious reasons a case in point is Zimbabwe. However instead of the ANC consolidating its victories, it started creating its own problems, concerning bargaining deals it made prior and post Polokwane conference.

The following issues and many other critical issues have led to the demise of the movement. This document looks at those critical issues which are a challenge to the organisation under the following subheadings:

1. The composition of the National Executive Committee (NEC) and NWC.
2. Provincial, Regional conferences and branch meetings.

 

3. The Mangaung conference, Julius and the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL).
4. The Recalling of former President Thabo Mbeki as Head of State.
5. Western Cape.

6. Lastly.

 

 

1. THE COMPOSITION OF THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE (NEC).

More than 50% of its NEC members are new to the NEC or any structure of this nature, thus closing any room for continuity and transition; again most of them are juniors (post 1994 politicians) to the movement.

 

 

Yes we do agree change was obligatory but this is not an excuse for flooding its highest decision making body with political infants thus compromising and crippling vital and constructive nation building decisions. The majority of these characters were just parachuted to this committee without any research or consultation; others were rewarded with these high profile positions for the mere reason of lobbing certain constituencies.

 

 

Now the NEC has turned into a mere dialogue + – 20 individuals, and once again collective leadership has been compromised.

2. PROVINCIAL, REGIONAL CONFERENCES AND BRANCH MEETINGS.

Lately provincial and regional conferences have turned into absolute war zones, where instead of marshals, armed policeman and soldiers must be deployed to guard it against its own members. Meeting doors are locked and gates are constantly patrolled and inside those premises it’s absolute turmoil and anarchism is the order of the day. There’s a growing trend of 2 lists for contestation of leadership positions, meaning the members go to every congress as a wounded and a divided organisation.

 

 

Lately factionalism has even manifested itself into its grassroots branch structures, ordinary rank and file members belong to certain factions, in actual fact a branch of + – 120 members has a “Zuma and a Mbeki camp, What is that?. Factions, cliques and cabals are surfacing ubiquitously. The organisation is forcing its members to defect to the opposition parties a case in point is Sello Moloto.  The accusations that the members are labeling against each other such as traitors awaiting to defect to COPE is playing right into COPE’s hands or rather strategy.  

 

The ANC leadership that is the top 3 NEC posts incumbents are confusing the public sending too many contradictory messages, competing for publicity trying to look good to the public (thanks to their future aspirations) instead of communicating with media through appropriate structures. These leaders are playing right into some media traps to make the organisation look like a circus. One wonders, what was the point of employing Jessie Duarte and her entourage of media people if the ANC is not going to use them. 

This is a crisis and it needs burning attention, leadership and direction.

 

 

We are not going to dwell too much on this one due to the following 3 reasons.

• The sensitivity of this issue
• Lack of research on our side
• Our huge respect for Comrade Jacob Zuma and Comrade Thabo Mbeki.

This was one of the most drastic decisions of the movement since 1912, and it will go down into history as the move that tremendously dented the once famous liberation movement. “O.R.”, ZK MATHEWS, Inkosi u JOHN LANGALIBALELE DUBE and other liberation stalwarts must be turning in their graves, let alone Iisithwalandwe UTATA UMANDELA.

 

4. THE MANGAUNG CONFERENCE

What a mess! Procedural and behavioural flaws let alone the premature election of Julius Malema, who has been parachuted all the way from Cosas to the Limpopo Provincial Executive Committee (PEC) and lastly to its national structures.

 

 

The whole conference was in tatters, from dodgy branches to self deployed power hungry cadres with no branch mandates. Commissions were hijacked and all plenary sessions were ruled by anarchy. Sasco comrades were marginalised and branded as campus comrades and once again the vacuum of political education was evident. It’s not surprising that this circus was suspended.

 

Fair enough another event was scheduled but in order to maintain a status quo cadres resorted to yester year soccer tactics, where if a game was suspended in the 86th minute due to whatever reason, we schedule another date and play the remaining 4 minutes. The conference continued as if it were still in Bloemfontein. The issue of the flawed election was not even entertained, as for other blunders they were all swept under the carpet.

5. WESTERN CAPE

 

 

Crisis, Crisis, Crisis. JZ calls it an interesting Province, we disagree this is the ANC’s worst problematic, difficult and hostile province. The ANC has allowed this beautiful province to be managed in a Taxi association style.

 

Factions, cliques and cabals have manifested themselves in such a way that its members can’t even say one word in an ordinary branch meeting without being aligned with a certain faction. The organisation is being run by individuals, unfortunately ordinary masses align themselves with the organisation, not individuals, and in the absence of leadership and direction, they will easily vote for the opposition and the ANC’s loyal traditional followers would rather stay at home on election day.

 

Should the ANC lose this province, it will have no one to blame but itself. Considering the current developments it’s actually hand delivering the province to the opposition. A clear example is its recent blunder of failing to submit its candidates on time to the IEC for the upcoming by-elections.

6. LASTLY

 

The movement should clean its house quickly, before it turns what was once the greatest Liberation movement in Africa into a petty political party. History has thought us that, organisations and individuals who were once the nation’s greatest heroes and patriots can turn into our greatest villains for example Angola, DRC and most recently Zimbabwe. The ANC should not allow this to happen in its organisation.

It’s time it revisits the principles of its NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION (NDR) and not just preach them, practice them, review the strategy and tactics document and its fundamental guidelines.

 

 

It has also turned a blind eye into bread and butter issues such as macro economic policies, development finance, the Reconstruction and Development Program and other pro-poor policies that use to be the blueprint of the organisation.

 

Next year’s elections might look far way when in fact they are too close considering the current challenges the organisation is facing.

 

Co-authored by:

1. Sipho January, Rhodes School of Journalism and Media Studies’ Schools Media Outreach Projects Coordinator and,
2. Sikelela Zumana – Sasco’s former Education and transformation chair as well as fomer ANCYL’s Phahamang branch chairperson.

 

Both wrote this in their personal capacities.

3. THE RECALLING OF FORMER PRESIDENT THABO MBEKI AS HEAD OF STATE.